‘Jonas’ and the Whale

Yankee Whaling

While today (in most parts of the world) whaling is thankfully banned, in the past, whaling was an occupation that was carried out regularly. Whales were hunted to extremes for their blubber, oil and bones. Western Australia was no exception with whaling being an early industry in the colony. Early accounts indicate great excitement at whales being killed and reports were regularly printed in the papers. On 2 September 1843, the Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal printed an article recounting the news for the whaling industry for the previous fortnight. They then went on to describe “a curious scene” in Fremantle.

Numerous whales had been attacked by the whalers however it was reported that one of them had been harpooned and then managed to pull away, dragging the boat and its occupants with it. Near Straggler Rocks it began to dive and the whalers in the boat had no choice than to cut the rope attached to the harpoon.

Thinking that they had lost the whale, the whalers returned to shore. A few days later news soon spread that the whale had in fact died from its wounds and had been found washed up on North Beach, located a few miles from Fremantle. The whalers gathered what they needed and headed straight to the beach, hoping to recover as much of the whale as possible.

Meanwhile, news also reached Perth of the whale on the beach. The fascination at seeing a whale close up was too much for some and as it was only an hour’s ride from Perth to the Fremantle area, many people took off on their horses to catch a glimpse of it. One amongst the group was a young man, suitably nicknamed ‘Jonas’ by the paper, perhaps in a bid to protect his identity.

‘Jonas’ arrived and noticing that the first spade was about to be dug in, decided to seize the opportunity of being first for himself. He jumped on top of the whale and dug in his spade, only to be met with an almighty explosion! There was nowhere else for ‘Jonas’ to go but down into the rotting belly of the whale.

Initially everyone laughed at his predicament but seeing as though ‘Jonas’ was struggling, they quickly went about undertaking the difficult task of rescuing him from inside the whale. ‘Jonas’ was safely returned to land unhurt but left in a rather putrid state.


Rocky Bay Joe

Looking upon the decade as a whole, we can see that many interesting events took place throughout the 1830s. William IV succeeded his brother to the throne of the United Kingdom in June 1830. The Slavery Abolition Act 1833 (abolishing slavery in the British Empire) was passed. Charles Darwin set off on a voyage of discovery in 1831 with the information collected later used in his book, ‘The Origin of the Species’. On the other side of the world, Western Australia (settled by Europeans in 1829) was still only a fledgling colony.

It was also in the early 1830s (approximately 1833) that Joseph Byron was born and, unlike the aforementioned events, his birth would have gone unnoticed except to those closest to him.

Attempts to establish the place of his birth have thus far been unsuccessful. While it is possible he was born in England, there is also the chance that he was born elsewhere.

Later evidence indicates that Joseph was lucky enough to receive an education. He was literate which gives rise to the assumption that he came from a family of means. Nevertheless, as he grew older, a career in the military called to him.

Again, details of his life in the military are sketchy. He served time in India and may have been part of the forces in Jhansi during the Indian Rebellion of 1857. By early 1864 and in his early thirties, he was certainly stationed in Jhansi as it was there that he was court-martialled.

In mid-1864 Joseph was brought to the General Court in Jhansi and was charged with insubordination. Insubordination within the military generally consists of an individual choosing to disobey a superior’s orders. Assaulting or treating a superior with disrespect are also acts of insubordination. No details as to what Joseph did are provided in the records at hand but it is likely that he committed a very serious act. On 8 July 1864 he was sentenced to ten years’ transportation and served time in Calcutta Barracks.

Four months later, on 3 December 1864, a warrant was issued by the Clerk of the Crown calling for his removal from India so that his sentence could be executed. From India, he was sent to England.


It is in this communication (printed in the Proceedings of the Government of India) that information concerning his military career are obtained. Joseph Byron, No. 246, was a Driver in B. Battery, 22nd Brigade Royal Artillery.

Having arrived in England by April 1865, Joseph bounced around from prison to prison during the next two years. On 7 April 1865, he was received at Millbank Prison in London; well-known for holding convict prisoners before their transportation to Australia.

Looking through the Millbank Prison register of arrivals, it’s interesting to see that Joseph most likely did not arrive alone. On the same date there were eleven other prisoners who were all sent from Calcutta Barracks in India to England. Many were found guilty of striking a superior officer or attempting to shoot a person. They were sentenced to four, five  or six years transportation. Joseph’s crime was listed simply as ‘disobedience’. He was one of two sentenced to ten years.

He remained in Millbank for two months before being sent on to Pentonville Prison in London, arriving on 19 June 1865. In the register, his trade was described as a bricklayer as well as a Private in the Royal Artillery. It was recorded that he was single, could read and write and was 26 years of age. This indicates a birth year closer to 1838 and conflicts with later records. A report of his character was also provided and was noted simply as ‘good’.

Pentonville Prison
Pentonville Prison in 1842

On 9 March 1866, Joseph was removed from Pentonville and was sent to Chatham Prison in Kent. He stayed there for the remainder of his time (six months) in England.

ChathamOn 6 September, Joseph, along with 97 other convicts from Chatham Prison, boarded a paddle steamer which conveyed them down the River Medway and out to The Nore (a sandbank at the mouth of the Thames Estuary). It was there that the new clipper ship Corona was waiting (already with pensioner guards and their families aboard) to embark and transport them to Western Australia. From The Nore the plan was to sail south around the coast of England towards Portsmouth and Portland to embark more convicts from these towns. It did not work out that way.

The Corona photographed between 1885 and 1946. Courtesy of State Library Victoria.

The ship set sail as planned. By 10 September they reached The Downs (an area of sea near the English Channel) and it was noted in the Surgeon’s Journal that many of the convicts had begun to feel the affects of seasickness and that some were also suffering from diarrhoea. The latter ailment was not another symptom of seasickness and its diagnosis and origin can be seen in the entry written on the day the convicts embarked.

One of the Crew seized with Cholera, sent on shore about 3P.M.

Cholera had broken out on the Corona and it was only the start of the voyage. Two days later, as the realisation dawned, steps were taken to try and ensure that the highly contagious disease would not spread further.

Barracks and Prison to be whitewashed twice a week with Chloride of Lime. Chloride of Zinc to be frequently applied to all parts of the Ship. All secretions from Stomach and Bowels to be disinfected. Stoves to be kept burning about Dock all day.

It’s not known whether Joseph suffered from seasickness or contracted cholera.

The disease however took its hold and on 16 September 1866 the ship was towed to The Motherbank (a sandbar northeast of the Isle of Wight) and remained in the area until early October. Throughout that time two convicts, William Sharp and Enoch Gibson, Gibsonpassed away.

By 8 October, the original plan was put back in motion and the Corona sailed for Portsmouth and then Portland to embark a further 79 and 133 convicts respectively, taking the total convicts on board to 308.

They were fed meat which, on alternate days, was accompanied by  either compressed vegetables or preserved potatoes and washed down with cups of either lime juice or wine.

As the illnesses abated and the journey continued, the convicts fell into a weekly routine which was prescribed by the Surgeon and written at the front of his journal. They were required to be up by 6am to wash their beds, hammocks and themselves. At 8am they ate breakfast. At 9:30am they said their prayers. They were exercised on deck and attended school. Dinner was eaten at 12pm and supper at 4:30pm. They said their prayers again at 6pm and were in bed by 8:30pm when the Surgeon completed his rounds.

Each day was the same as the last with the addition of shaving on Tuesdays and Saturdays. Sundays were also especially marked with the words ‘divine service’. All prisoners were expected to “assemble together in a clean and orderly manner, for the worship of Almighty God.

Fifteen rules were also written in the journal and mainly consisted of standard ones such as being required to behave in an orderly manner. They were also not permitted to steal from the stores of food, had to take their bedding on deck every morning and would be severely punished if found with a cutting or sawing instrument.

They ate in separate sections in the mess and each group had an appointed Captain who was in charge and responsible for several duties. Joseph would have been in a particular group in the mess and was required to eat with them for the duration of the journey. Considering his background within the Army, perhaps he felt quite at home on board the Corona. He was certainly no stranger to rules, regulations and strict order.

The ship sailed onwards towards its destination. Most of the trip went fairly well apart from two major incidents: the death of a third convict, Thomas Hinson, who succumbed in early November from diarrhoea and was buried at sea; and the discovery that deck planks had been sawn through by two convicts who were attempting to gain access to (what they thought) was the arms and ammunition stores. Denials served them no good and they received 24 lashes each as punishment.

Perth GazetteFinally, at noon on 22 December 1866, Rottnest Island was sighted. By 3pm in the afternoon they arrived in Fremantle and cast their anchor. Despite their delay at the start, the journey was considered to be the fastest ever to Western Australia and was completed in 66 days.

Joseph and the other convicts remained on board for two more days and, at 6am on the 24th, were disembarked from the Corona and brought ashore. By 8am they had arrived (on foot) at Fremantle Prison.

Fremantle Jetty
South Jetty in Fremantle circa 1870.

Convict number 9104, Joseph Byron was noted as 33 years old (birth year 1833), single with no children. He stood at five foot six and a quarter (just over 170 cm). He was described as having light brown hair, hazel eyes, a round face, dark complexion and was considered stout. Other identifying features included a “mark of ulcer sores on left arm and throat.

His religious denomination was recorded as the Church of England and under the box entitled ‘Residence of Convict’s Family or next of Kin’ it was written “No friends“.

Prior convictions were also stated and while it was written that he had been convicted previously, he had never been transported before. Other than that, his character was good.

Fremantle Prison
Fremantle Prison in the 1860s. Courtesy of the Fremantle History Centre.

At Fremantle Prison, Joseph and the other convicts were inspected and then sent off to bathe. Having handed over what he was wearing, he was issued with a new set of clothes made of heavy cotton material and stamped with black arrows. He also received other items such as socks, handkerchiefs, a pair of boots and a cap. Finally, his hair was cut short and he was sent to his cell.

It’s likely he spent little time in Fremantle Prison and was quickly put to work within the colony, working on roads or public buildings. Joseph however was not interested in keeping his head down and his nose out of trouble. Nine months after his arrival, on 6 September 1867, he was formally warned by Mr McMahon (an assistant warder) that if he continued to misconduct himself he would be brought in and severely punished.

By early January 1868 his behaviour had not improved and he was imprisoned in Perth for three days for “Disobedience of Orders & refusing to work“, a charge which was extremely similar to his original conviction. Perhaps Joseph would not (or could not) work.

Over a year later, on 11 October 1869, he was granted a Ticket of Leave. No longer required to work exclusively as convict labour for the Government, he was free to be employed privately and to earn his own money. Four days later Joseph went to work for John Bancells in Perth as a labourer.

None of his employment prospects were long term. In March 1870 he cut firewood for William McGrath in the Swan district. He worked as a teamster for Mr R. Thompson (also of Swan) in April 1870 and, in June 1872, he twice worked as a gentleman’s servant for Patrick Lambert in Perth.

Joseph seemed only capable of working odd jobs. Despite his trade being a bricklayer, he never actually obtained employment in that field.

Questions as to how he was supporting himself or why he had so few jobs during this period can be answered when reading over the ‘Remarks’ section in the register. Apart from when he was located at the Guildford Convict Depot for the first nine months of 1870 (confirming his employment in Swan) from 1869 until 1874 Joseph was in and out of either prison or hospital. He also spent considerable time in the invalid depot with the record showing that he was in that institution for most of 1873 and the first six months of 1874.

Looking closer at some of the individual records allows us to gain an understanding as to what Joseph may have been going through.

He suffered from rheumatic gout and appears to have been regularly admitted to hospital with this complaint. His first hospital visit occurred on 23 October 1869 at about age 36 and a mere three years after his arrival. He remained there for three months and was not released until 17 January 1870.

Joseph was not always completely blameless for his actions. On 18 May 1872 he was found guilty of assaulting Thomas McNamara (likely another convict) and was sent to prison for fourteen days. This conviction resulted in the cancellation of his Conditional Release which had only been granted three months prior. Another two years passed before he was finally granted his Certificate of Freedom on 21 July 1874.

The following year, in January 1875, he was back in hospital when his old gout problem caused him difficulty. This stint did not last as long as the previous one and he was released in early February.

On 22 October 1877 (noted as being a much older age of 50 in the records) Joseph was found guilty of using obscene and threatening language. No detail was printed in either the register or the newspapers as to who (if anyone) the language was directed towards. He was sentenced to 40/ or one month’s imprisonment. Given the impoverished nature of Joseph’s life in Western Australia, there can be no doubt as to which option was the only one available to him. He went to prison and was discharged in the following month.

Underlying the story of Joseph’s behaviour, it would appear that alcohol was another issue. While there is the possibility that Joseph was ‘self-medicating’ as a way to combat the pain of his rheumatic gout, we can’t ignore the fact that he may simply have been an alcoholic. Perhaps alcohol eased or helped him forget his joint pain for a short while but it would not have been conducive to improving his condition; alcohol is known to trigger the symptoms of gout.

Joseph was a convict who did not succeed within the system. It would appear he tried to survive on his own however, when necessary, he turned to the Government for support and became known as an imperial pauper. Throughout the years Joseph was recorded as receiving several shirts and a couple of pairs of boots, fairly minimal requests compared to other convicts’ larger orders. In the first instance of his making a claim for a shirt (on 24 July 1876) he was described as an ‘invalid’ and was required to sign his name. The signature, though a little scratchy, is strong, dark and clear. In amongst dates, facts and records, it offers a small, personal glimpse relating to the man himself.

Joseph Byron

As an imperial pauper, the years may have passed by slowly and difficultly for Joseph. He resided in Fremantle and at some point went to live in a cave near Rocky Bay. With the Swan River on his doorstep, the area (today part of North Fremantle) would have been much quieter than the hustle and bustle of the town of Fremantle.

My own visit illustrated this fact perfectly. Even today the cave and the area where Joseph lived is quiet and peaceful and with the Swan River gently lapping at the shore I can understand why he would have chosen to stay in the cave and maintain his liberty rather than opt for admittance to an invalid home.

It’s not known how long he resided within the cave but it is likely he lived there for quite some time. As it’s known to happen with people who frequent the same area for a considerable time, he soon became known to everyone as Rocky Bay Joe.

The 1880s saw the occasional visits to both prison and hospital but generally he kept out of trouble. As a new decade began in 1890, Joseph was about 57 years of age. The year did not start well.

On 30 January 1890 Joseph returned to the cave at Rocky Bay to find that his bed and all his belongings (everything he owned in the world) had been set on fire by a group of boys.

Cruel Outrage

The Police were said to have had the names of the boys but whether they were charged remains to be seen. Searching in the Police Gazettes and newspapers indicates that no one around that time period was taken to Court for a similarly described offence.

Less than a week later, Joseph approached the Fremantle Police Court determined to receive compensation for the loss of his property.

He explained that he suffered from rheumatism, and the pittance he earned was just enough to live on, and it was very hard to lose his things in the way he had. He had nothing left except the clothing he wore.

While sympathetic to his plight, the magistrate informed Joseph that he could not give him compensation and that the only way to obtain it was to sue the boys in the Local Court. Such an option would require hiring a lawyer and Joseph (a man clearly without wealth) stated “…he had not the means to do that.” With no other option, Joseph simply had to accept what had happened and move forward. Legal and correct but unfair nonetheless.

May 1890Four months later, on 5 May 1890, Joseph was sent to prison for seven days for being drunk on a Sunday. He spent one day in prison but, upon realising he was ill, was transferred to the hospital where he spent a further eight days.

The cold weather, living rough, his illnesses and perhaps the loss of his property took a major toll on his health. A month later he reported again to the hospital and was admitted on 8 June suffering from influenza and compressed liver. A week later he was listed in the category of ‘seriously ill’ and was described by the Doctor as “very low & weak”. He never recovered from this final illness and, in the morning of Monday, 16 June 1890, Joseph Byron passed away.

Imp Paup 9104 J Byron came in on 8th June 1890 suffering from influenza & compressed liver. He was very low & weak and never recovered much. He died from 4 [?] this morning.

His death certificate reflects his status as a pauper in Western Australia. In fact, his ‘Rank or Profession’ on the certificate is recorded simply as ‘Imperial Pauper’. His official cause of death was listed as influenza, congestion of liver and exhaustion. Absent from the certificate is his place of burial. This information is also not recorded on the Metropolitan Cemeteries Board database. Joseph Byron’s final resting place is unknown and it is disappointing that I cannot pay my respects to the man I have spent the last month researching. Perhaps more information will come to light at a later date.

The Prisoners’ Cash Account book also reveals just how much Joseph had in his account. The last entry (recorded before he was admitted to hospital) calculated that he had eleven shillings and eight pence to his name. Using the Reserve Bank of Australia’s Pre-Decimal Inflation Calculator (starting with the year 1901 as it’s the earliest year available) the amount is roughly equivalent today to $1.17.

Despite the opportunities that existed within Western Australia, Joseph was not a success story to come out of transportation. His records reflect a man who had a painful illness, was often in trouble and in and out of prison or hospital. While there is no doubt these visits were on occasion a result of bad behaviour or sickness, there is also a possibility that his attraction to these institutions was also due to his own poor social situation. If he was sleeping rough or lacking food, the lure of prison or the hospital (where he would be fed regularly and given a bed to sleep in) may have been too tempting.

Joseph Byron was not overly influential or instrumental in creating great things within Western Australia’s history. He had not wealth nor status and thus, as time passed, his story was easily forgotten; a common occurrence for people without family to remember them. Regardless, every person, even the very poor, have stories to tell. They might not be around to tell them themselves but I believe it’s important that we take the time to learn their stories, tell their stories and recognise the part they played in the world, no matter how small.


  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2015.
    Original data: Convict Records. State Records Office of Western Australia, Perth, Western Australia, Australia.
  • Proceedings of the Government of India. Home Department, 1864. Prtd. at the Home Settlement, 1864. Viewed online via Google Books (https://books.google.com.au/books?id=LCZOAAAAYAAJ&dq=bibliogroup%3A%22Proceedings%20of%20the%20Government%20of%20India.%20Home%20Department%2C%201864%22&pg=PA1013#v=onepage&q&f=false).
  • England & Wales, Crime, Prisons & Punishment, 1770-1935; Millbank Prison Registers: Male Prisoners. Volume 10; Series: HO24; Piece Number: 10.
  • Image of Pentonville Prison sourced from The Illustrated London News courtesy of Wikipedia (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HM_Prison_Pentonville).
  • Shipping and Mercantile Gazette; 6 September 1866; Page 4. Obtained via Findmypast.
  • Shipping and Mercantile Gazette; 7 September 1866; Page 2. Obtained via Findmypast.
  • Image of the Corona courtesy of State Library Victoria; Accession no(s) H99.220/546 (http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/14116).
  • Admiralty Transport Department, Surgeon Superintendents’ Journals of Convict Ships. MT 32. Kew, Surrey, England: The National Archives of the UK (TNA).
  • Portsmouth Times and Naval Gazette; 29 September 1866. Obtained via Findmypast.
  • 1867 ‘FREMANTLE.’, The Perth Gazette and West Australian Times (WA : 1864 – 1874), 4 January, p. 2. , viewed 08 Apr 2017, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3753192
  • Fremantle Jetty and Bathers’ Beach [picture] courtesy of the State Library of Western Australia (Online Call Number: 009275D). https://encore.slwa.wa.gov.au/iii/encore/record/C__Rb2112316
  • Hasluck, Alexandra. “Chapter IV, The Hard Years.” Unwilling Emigrants: A Study of the Convict Period in Western Australia. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1978. N. pag. Print.
  • Image of Fremantle Prison courtesy of the Fremantle History Centre; Image number 2111 (http://cdm16702.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/myfirst/id/3453).
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : General Register for Nos 9059 – 9598 (R15). ACC 1156/R15.
  • 1866 ‘Perth Gazette & W. A. Times.’, The Perth Gazette and West Australian Times (WA : 1864 – 1874), 28 December, p. 2. , viewed 08 Apr 2017, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3753306
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : Register of Admissions and Discharges from Hospital, 1857 – 1886 (M32). Reference: ACC 1156/M32.
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : Registers of Local Prisoners for Nos 614 – 4185 and 4196 – 6853, 1876 – 1888 (F3 – F4). Cons 1156/F3-F4.
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : Discharged Prisoners Clothing, 1875 – 1933 and Convict Ships, 1850 – 1868 (V12). ACC 1156/V12.
  • 1890 ‘NEWS OF THE DAY.’, The Daily News (Perth, WA : 1882 – 1950), 31 January, p. 3. , viewed 13 Apr 2017, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article77286299
  • 1890 ‘NEWS AND NOTES.’, The West Australian (Perth, WA : 1879 – 1954), 6 February, p. 3. , viewed 13 Apr 2017, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3131872
  • 1890 ‘NEWS AND NOTES.’, The West Australian (Perth, WA : 1879 – 1954), 6 May, p. 2. , viewed 13 Apr 2017, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3133987
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : Receipts and Discharges (Fremantle), 1886 – 1892, 1896 – 1898 (RD10A – RD13). ACC 1156/R&D10A-R&D12.
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : Daily Medical Journals, 1887 – 1891 (M24 – M25). ACC 1156M24-M25.
  • Ancestry.com. Western Australia, Australia, Convict Records, 1846-1930 [database on-line]. Description : Prisoners Private Cash Account Book, 1881 – 1896 (V46). ACC 1156/V46.

The Cornish Pixie

On the night of Jan. 5th, 1905, a fearful storm raged on the South and South West coast of England. A vessel was seen making desperate struggles to keep her course. She was, however, lost to sight and the eager eyes watching, could see no more. Next morning some fishermen searching among a quantity of wreckage, discovered the mannikin, known as Dick Trelawny, tied to a beam of timber.

Washed up on the coast of Penzance in Cornwall, the fishermen who initially found Dick Trelawny eventually became wary of him and came to think of him as something sent to them by the Devil. He went to live with an old lady and, so the story goes, it was there he remained until Captain Jack Neville came across him.

Captain Neville said that he recognised the “importance of this little mite from a scientific and physiological standpoint…“and, after several Doctors looked him over, they came to the conclusion that Dick Trelawny was between 48 and 75 years of age, weighed over four kilos and was about 65 cms tall.

Cornish Pixie ImageHe initially spoke in a “guttural tongue” unable to be deciphered by linguists but soon learnt English and French.

His features, though pensive, are constantly illumined by a sweet smile which, with his merry little laugh and winning eyes, make him a most interesting and pleasant study.

He was given the name ‘The Cornish Pixie’ and agreed to go with Captain Neville to be exhibited around the world.

By June 1908 a similar story such as the one printed in The Cornish Telegraph was printed in The W.A. Record. While much of the information was the same, there were a few additional facts.


On 1 December 1908, Captain Neville, his wife and The Cornish Pixie arrived in Fremantle, Western Australia via the S.S. Charon.

Two days later, The Daily News reported on their arrival and stated that The Cornish Pixie was on display in the window of a vacant shop opposite Brennan Brothers located on Hay Street in Perth. Advertising soon appeared in the newspapers.


Articles boasted that The Cornish Pixie would prove immensely popular in Perth and described the “unanimous expressions of wonder and approval” by the public who had come to see him. The Australian was the only newspaper to provide a description.


While initially only exhibited two times daily, it later changed to three, perhaps suggesting The Cornish Pixie was proving to be very popular with the people of Perth after all.

This wonderful mannikin proved a great source of attraction on Saturday evening, when a continual crowd of visitors thronged to and fro. Captain Neville gives a very interesting and comprehensive explanation to every batch of visitors, allowing them to lift Pixie for themselves…

Subsequent articles always took on a glowing tone, even going as far as stating how immensely popular Pixie (as he came to be known) was with the ladies. While it is possible that the writer(s) genuinely felt the exhibit was amazing, in my opinion, the articles scream of bias. Perhaps Captain Neville had befriended local reporters or, was simply supplying the Albany Advertisingstories himself.

The Cornish Pixie was exhibited in Perth from 3 December until 23 December 1908. He next travelled to Fremantle, was on display for a few days and then headed to Kalgoorlie where he was exhibited from a room on Hannan Street. Coincidentally, the location was once again opposite premises owned by the Brennan Brothers.

At the start of the New Year, Pixie was reported to have arrived in Albany and was shown from a tent on the Parade Street Recreation Ground (see left advertisement). The article describing the exhibition was essentially a carbon copy of previous articles printed in other newspapers.

From Western Australia, Captain Neville and The Cornish Pixie travelled to South Australia in late January 1909 for exhibition at No. 48 Arcade in Adelaide. Articles reiterated his success and one went further, indicating that in the past he had been received by H.R.H. The Prince of Wales, the Kaiser, the Sultan of Turkey, the Khedive of Egypt and the Maharajah of Mysore. Again, while genial to all people, he was noted to be particularly fond of the fairer sex, regularly taking the opportunity to bestow kisses upon them. He was also said to be “decidedly matrimonially inclined.

Jack Johnson, the well-known boxer, was also in South Australia at the time and, while there, decided to pay a visit to The Cornish Pixie. Both were apparently fascinated with the other but Pixie found the upper hand when, convincing Mr Johnson to sit on the floor, he then (supposedly) “hit him full on the nose.

Leaving Adelaide, the group headed to Melbourne for a show at St George’s Hall on Bourke Street in late February and throughout March 1909.

The articles continued in much the same way but with some minor differences. While in Adelaide he was in the matrimonial market, in Melbourne, he was “a firm believer in platonic friendships with the opposite sex.” He spoke his own language in Perth and Adelaide and had only picked up a few words of English and French but in Melbourne he was said to speak English, French and other languages fluently. It is in these slight changes that the story of The Cornish Pixie begins to look rather doubtful.

By April 1909, the group had moved on from Victoria and arrived in New South Wales where The Cornish Pixie was exhibited at 198 Pitt Street in Sydney.

Sydney Ad

Slight differences (perhaps accounting for new audiences) continued. Whereas in Perth Pixie’s age was always recorded in advertising as 45, in Sydney, the age was given an air of mystery by simply leaving it as ‘unknown’.

The language discrepancy also continued. This time, Pixie could speak French fluently but could only understand English and German. Another article stated he had been taught some English and was learning French.

It is hoped that one day he will be able to speak sufficiently well to tell his history; meantime the management offers a substantial reward to anyone who can understand the mannikin’s own language.

Towards the end of May 1909, Pixie was still on exhibit in Sydney and, due to the overwhelming popularity with visitors, had found bigger premises at 498 George Street near Adams’s Cafe. Larger rooms also meant that an additional exhibit could be set up in the window.


Positive reports (perhaps written by Captain Neville) flooded the papers wherever Pixie went however, “Fanella”, writing the column ‘Sydney Week by Week From a Woman’s Point of View’ for the Clarence and Richmond Examiner, visited Pixie and provided a description as well as one of the rare accounts where approval was not given.


On 12 June 1909, Brisbane newspapers began printing advertising for The Cornish Pixie. He was due to leave New South Wales and was on his way to Queensland with the exhibit opening on 15 June.

Cornish Pixie

At 145 Queen Street in Brisbane, all continued in much the same way as the other States. Pixie was put on display, details of his back-story and the exhibit were regularly printed in the paper, people visited him and, by early July 1909, he moved on. He remained absent from the papers for quite a few weeks until 20 July 1909 when it was announced that he would be on display at Gill Street in Charters Towers (a northern Queensland town located an hour and a half inland from Townsville).

Then, in late July 1909, after about eight months on the road and touring five Australian States, the truth was finally exposed. The Cornish Pixie was not (as was often claimed) a descendant of an extinct race of pygmies from central Mexico, he was nothing more than a monkey dressed up in clothes.

The labor socialist newspaper, People, was first to break the story and used the sham as a means to demonstrate the evils of capitalism.

It was with a true spirit of capitalist enterprise that “Cornish Pixie,” the smallest man on earth, was placed upon the Australian show market. Pixie, after a successful exhibition in many States turned out to be a fraud – and not a freak. But it was a clever deception. Men held him in the palm of their hands; women kissed the “dear little fellow; while many presents were bestowed upon him. Yet Pixie was a fraud – a real genuine capitalist fraud. He was not a twentieth century man at all – Pixie was a monkey.

The paper elaborated and stated that Pixie had been taught several tricks and that his voice was provided by a ventriloquist. Where ‘People’ obtained this information is, of course, never divulged. While it could simply be the writer using Pixie to push the anti-capitalism agenda, it seems likely (given the constant discrepancies in Pixie’s story) that there was more than what meets the eye.

The promoters were said to have been fined £50 for cruelty to an animal and, towards the end, the writer bluntly states “Pixie died“. It is this fact which is at complete odds with the actions of Captain Neville. He was still touring around North Queensland with The Cornish Pixie. Was ‘People’ simply inventing a story?Rumours

Captain Neville attempted to nip the rumours in the bud (left) but, it was too late. The Cairns Post was next to report on the story and provided more detail, courtesy of a letter from their Brisbane correspondent. Despite plenty of opportunities to do so previously, it is the first instance where a writer acknowledges that not many people believed Pixie’s backstory about being shipwrecked on the coast of Cornwall. Details of how the truth came to light (albeit vague) were also printed.

He is supposed to have died, either at Sydney, Childers, Crow’s Nest, Maryborough, or Bunderberg (no one seems to know he went to Townsville some weeks ago), and a magistrate is supposed to have demanded a view of the body, and to have uttered a startling cry on discovering that Dick Trelawney – to give him one of his numerous designations – was nothing more nor less than a monkey, whose face and paws had been shaved and enamelled.

Ultimately, the correspondent believed the story was simply a rumour. But the damage was done. The article set off a chain reaction as the news of the deception broke in newspapers around the rest of Australia.


The above description was written by a reporter for ‘Truth’ and while they don’t go as far as stating that Pixie was a monkey, they do provide an interesting, contrasting description of Pixie and the exhibition. It paints a far less jovial picture than what was previously portrayed, perhaps enhancing my assumption that other articles were paid for or written by Neville.

Remarkably, by 11 August 1909 and despite the damaging articles in the press, the tour of The Cornish Pixie continued. It was announced he would be exhibited in Rockhampton in Queensland and, by September 1909, he was advertised to show in Bundaberg (one of the towns he had supposedly died in). It was in Bundaberg that Pixie Bundabergwas to end his tour of Australia and, according to The Bundaberg Mail and Burnett Advertiser, was then boarding a ship destined for Europe.

Clearly, this was a ploy to attract customers. He was next noted to be showing in Gympie in Queensland and then, in October 1909, had arrived back in Brisbane for more shows. Rumours of The Cornish Pixie dying and discovered to be a monkey were proving to be quite good for business and even Captain Neville admitted this fact by stating “…we have had an excellent advertisement through all these rumours.

Despite the story of Pixie being a monkey first appearing in late July 1909 and gaining traction throughout August (especially in Perth, where reporters appeared to be rather put out at being tricked) it wasn’t until October that Captain Neville officially addressed the rumours by writing a letter to the Queensland Times. Reiterating the various statements printed in each of the newspapers, he proclaimed them as “damaging” and went on to quote articles where the exhibition had received positive feedback. He hinted at a defamation lawsuit but stopped short of going any further.

After that, I think we can be satisfied, for we cannot lose time in dragging the papers we complain of into Court – where we should probably obtain heavy damages.

Rather telling, in my opinion.

From Brisbane they went to Ipswich (Queensland); from Ipswich to Geelong (Victoria); from Geelong to Ballarat (Victoria); from Ballarat to Hobart (Tasmania); from Hobart to Launceston (Tasmania).

These last exhibits were conducted at whirlwind pace. They whizzed from one place to the other, stayed for a week or so and then moved on to the next town.

Launceston was the last town visited and in January 1910 it was reported that he had officially departed Australia and was now on show in New Zealand. Spending the first half of the year in New Zealand, Pixie visited Invercargill, Dunedin, Christchurch, Wellington, Auckland, New Plymouth, Wanganui, Palmerston, Timaru and Oamaru.

New Zealanders, unlike the Australians, appeared to have been more sceptical and a letter written to the ‘Dominion’ by R. Dentith reflects this person’s doubts.

Although supposed to speak more than one language, I never heard the Pixie do so. He did not even stand on his legs, much less walk. One of the audience wanted to see his leg, but the showman refused the request, on the ground that he only undertook to exhibit the portions of him which could then be seen, viz, his head, face, and hands. Now, why should there be any objection to satisfy the public that this strange being is wholly human?

Leaving New Zealand in May 1910, it was back to Australia where he was exhibited for the first time in Broken Hill in New South Wales. Remarkably and perhaps to throw off any suspicion, a small paragraph was printed in the Otago Daily Times (New Zealand) regarding an RivalAustralian “rival” and what became of him (left).

From New South Wales, Pixie travelled to South Australia where he was first shown at Port Pirie and then once again in Adelaide for a ‘farewell reception’. Leaving South Australia, it was back to Victoria where he was exhibited in the towns of Hamilton, Colac and Bendigo.

This time Bendigo was definitely the final town where Pixie was exhibited. By mid-August 1910, after nearly two years travelling all over Australia and New Zealand, Captain Neville and The Cornish Pixie left our shores and, according to Mr Kreitmeyer (the owner of the Waxworks in Melbourne and the same man who exhibited Jun Gun) they were on their way to South Africa via the SS Persic.

It’s not known if Captain Neville, his wife and Pixie actually reached South Africa. They remained out of the newspapers for about seven months until March 1911 when a brief announcement was printed in the Evening Post (New Zealand).

The Cornish Pixie died in Calcutta on the 8th February. He contracted a severe cold, and died of acute nephritis.

The Cornish Pixie’s death was “official”. There were no more advertisements, no more overwhelmingly positive write-ups in the paper and no more exhibitions. Captain Neville and his wife, presumably, returned from whence they came with (perhaps) much heavier pockets compared to when they first arrived on the shores of Western Australia in 1908.

Initially, one might assume the story was clear-cut. Looking at the evidence of the small frame, the lack of any understandable language, the hands which were described as ‘double jointed’, the often blatant refusal of Captain Neville allowing anyone to closely investigate and the fact that there was constant contradiction of the story itself indicates that something was amiss with The Cornish Pixie. There is no doubt in my mind that what was put on display was a monkey dressed up in clothes. Some questions however remain unanswered. If the truth was exposed due to the death of The Cornish Pixie, why or how did the show continue? Did Captain Neville own several monkeys for the purpose of ‘The Cornish Pixie’ show? Was the story of Pixie being a monkey true but the story of its death simply a rumour?

As with most things when time takes hold, the exhibition of The Cornish Pixie around Australia and New Zealand faded in the minds of most people. Every now and then someone recalled their visit and experience and wrote to the papers. These later articles, unhindered because of the passage of time, shed more light on the story.

I, with others, went to see the Pixie, who was dressed as a boy and sat on a chair on a dais. “He” waved a cane and did a feeble sort of squeak now and again.

The writer was hoping that ‘R. R. Thorne’ would be able to give them more information about what happened to The Cornish Pixie. Thorne wrote back two days later. He knew Captain Neville. He considered him ungentlemanly in his behaviour. He had associated with The Cornish Pixie exhibit over the course of his work and, he confirmed Pixie was a monkey. Then, he went into great detail about how the monkey was mutilated for the show.

A human monster had subjected the little monkey to fearful tortures over a long period. Almost all its teeth had been extracted. Its face and head had been mutilated, carved, stitched and distorted. The skin had been turned inside out.

After healing it had lost the semblance of its natural self and then, with the aid of acids, dyes and paint, the poor thing had been made to look like a puny, flabby and helpless little boy-man.

Its little squeak and its pathetic waving of a small cane should have torn the hearts of spectators, but instead, raised roars of laughter.

G.M.S. will remember that the Pixie was always dressed in a bright green coat well buttoned up. The body and limbs were covered up as much as possible. Its feet were not seen. Its tiny hands were limp and feeble.

If accurate, it’s a sad end to the story of the monkey named Dick Trelawny also known as The Cornish Pixie. It’s also a sad tale of humanity and illustrates just how far some people will go in order to make their fortune. Captain Neville may have been an astute showman but it does not excuse the fact that he still disfigured an animal, exploited it, fooled the public for his own benefit and, by all appearances, managed to get away with it.